Storm in a Tea Hat

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Are you over Zaky Mallah yet? If incomprehensible men in funny hats appearing live on our television screens were such a crime against humanity, as this episode seems to be viewed, how did Australia survive Molly Meldrum for so long?

Assailed by the manufactured outrage over this beat-up in the last fortnight, one could see the government desperately lapping up every opportunity to connect this opponent of ISIS and advocate for Australia with the murderous thugs painting Iraq and Syria red.

The most gob-smacking hysteria came from the government’s token “real liberal”, no less. In an interview on ABC television, a feisty Malcolm Turnbull suggested the ABC had put the lives of people at risk by including Mallah in the studio audience of Q and A.

Now keep in mind Mallah had been all over the media in the past year, including Channel Ten’s ‘The Project’ last October, essentially delivering the same message – urging young disaffected Muslims thinking of fighting overseas to heed his example and stay home.

The Australian newspaper no less – the publication that has hyperventilated more feverishly than anyone else over the Q and A show – saw fit three years ago to provide a platform for the young man, once charged under anti-terror laws and now repentant.

“We do have religious freedom here in Australia, there’s no doubt about that,” The Australian quoted Mallah as saying. “Anyone who disrespects freedom doesn’t deserve to live in a country where there is freedom. This hit me in the head while in Syria. We Muslims have so much freedom here yet we are causing so much trouble.”

Now maybe I’m wrong, but it would seem rather out of character for a man whom The Australian described as fighting a “jihad of peace”, a man calling on young Muslims to appreciate what they have here in Australia, a man who has made it his mission since his early brush with the law to preach moderation, to suddenly change his entire worldview and blow himself up in the ABC studios.

Of course, the real agendas here are twofold. First is the Abbott government’s shameless campaign, in concert with the proudly partisan News Corp, to use every opportunity to foster a climate of fear, to politicise national security and to sound a dog whistle for the benefit of the Anglo Australians who do not feel comfortable with Muslims.

This is not just an Australian phenomenon. The increasing militarisation of government agencies, the suppression of dissident voices and the calculated use of the threat of terrorism to keep populations docile are all being employed by western governments struggling for a cohesive philosophy in a post neo-liberal world.

The publication American Conservative, no less, ran a column this weekby a former CIA agent Philip Giraldi, who condemned the 15-year-old “War on Terror”, saying it had done little but increase the size of the security state, lay entire nations to waste and deprive Westerners of the liberties we are supposedly seeking to protect.

“One might…argue that ‘the threat of terrorism’ is deliberately exaggerated and even nurtured by governments to justify tax increases and military spending while also permitting behaviour by the country’s executive free of the usual legal and constitutional restraints,” Giraldi wrote. “For Americans, the threat is best described as miniscule, hardly reflective of the popular view of a world awash with militants all seeking to kill US citizens before travelling to Times Square so they can blow themselves up.”

Sound familiar? Politicians and the media have a vested interest in beating up the domestic terrorist “threat”. Indeed, Giraldi quotes a US State Department report showing that while there was an 81 percent increase in terrorism-connected fatalities in 2014, nearly 80 percent of all those fatal attacks took place in five countries —Iraq, Pakistan, Nigeria, Afghanistan, and Syria. By contrast, in the US since the 9/11 attacks, there have been only seven incidents attributed to jihadi-type terrorists, resulting in 26 deaths. In the same period, 48 Americans were killed by white supremacists and other non-Muslim extremists in 19 separate domestic terrorist incidents.

Here in Australia, the closest we have come to a domestic terrorist incident was the Martin Place siege in late 2014. But even there, the links to politically driven terrorism are tenuous. The siege was carried out by Man Monis, a disturbed lone individual with a criminal past and with no history of “jihadi” ambitions. That he was clearly a nutter did not stop the government from staging the maximum flags security pose.

The national security agenda, aside from being a gift to a Coalition government trying to avoid talking about a tanking economy, also suits an imploding conservative media for whom the imaginary threat of bogeymen terrorists in our streets provides perfect clickbait.

For News Corp, there is the added bonus in the Q and A case of throwing another bomb, so to speak, at the ABC and public broadcasting in general. It goes without saying that Murdoch and his editors hate the ABC for ideological reasons, but the bigger motivation is a commercial one, with public broadcasting a direct competitor in a crowded digital space. This is an old story, going back to the 1930s. Of course, back then, the Murdochs hated the ABC because they were worried broadcasting would kill print.

So the national security beat-up is a scratch-my-back-I’ll-scratch-yours scenario. The government and the Murdoch tabloids beat the drum daily, and in so doing wedge their enemies as soft on terror, ratchet up fear to drive circulation and votes and play the culture wars to their hearts’ content.

In short, this is not a story about a man in a silly hat on a silly TV program. And this is not a story about terrorism. This is a story about power and politics and money.

Business as usual in other words.

Insided Out

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It’s now four years since the US journalism academic Jay Rosen decried at the Melbourne Writers’ Festival about the “cult of savvy” in political journalism and the treatment of politics as a game for insiders. What’s changed since?

Not much, going by the hysterical coverage of the leadership change in the Australian Greens.  In what may simply have been a case of a party leader deciding to quit politics because 25 years was enough, the hacks fell over each other looking for the cute angle.

For the ubiquitous Annabel Crabb on the ABC, the Greens’ change from 62-year-old Tasmanian environmental warrior to Christine Milne to little known 44-year-old Melbourne doctor Richard Di Natale had a “whiff of Moscow” about it.

Annabel’s witty knack for comparing mainstream Australian political parties with murderous 20th century totalitarian regimes had us recalling fondly her hilarious “Valkyrie” reference to the failed February putsch against Tony Abbott. Or maybe not.

By the way, it’s hard not to conclude that ABC ‘personalities’ make smart-arsed references about the Greens because the party is a soft target for public broadcasters. You impress the major party playground bullies and there’s little chance of your funding getting cut.

Of course, if the safest sport at the perpetually obsequious ABC is taking cheap shots at the Greens to curry favour with their fickle funders, the culture war cranks at News Corp have it written into their KPIs. So there was Rupert’s wind-up toy Chris Kenny spinning around in excited circles, calling Christine Milne a snarling old cane toad.

For her part, Crabb made fun of the fact that Milne announced her retirement on Twitter, lamenting that the Greens had not done the media the decency of disemboweling themselves in public first, while chucking the odd “exclusive” entrail at journos to sate their hunger for fresh content meat over another 24-hour cycle.

And why wouldn’t the Greens refuse to play the insiders game when a good chunk of the media has sworn itself to their destruction?

The tone of all the coverage, yet again, was smart alecky and “savvy” as if the journos were not writing for the general public, but for their colleagues and sources. As Jay Rosen wrote in his Melbourne address four years ago:

“Promoting journalists as insiders in front of the outsiders, the viewers, the electorate…. this is a clue to what’s broken about political coverage. Things are out of alignment. Journalists are identifying with the wrong people. Therefore the kind of work they are doing is not as useful as we need it to be.”

Yet, there are plenty of legitimate news stories in an approaching major realignment of an exhausted major party system. For instance, how is what is happening in the UK (the splintering of the mainstream parties) reflected here in Australia?  To what extent are interest group politics limiting the scope of the public conversation? What is the role of the media itself in how politics is framed? We can’t seem to get beyond the cul-de-sac we’ve found ourselves in.

Well, actually, we have. It’s why you’re reading this. What hasn’t changed is the traditional politics-media ping pong, which bounces back and forth incessantly with nothing ever changing. Insofar as there is a change, the Greens represent it – as did the Palmer United Party (however cynical its namesake’s motives). The public hates politics as it’s played, they hate politics as it’s reported. They’re sick of clever spin and clever reporting on spin. They’re over the schoolyard focus on personalities and leadership change as the be all and end all of  the system.The mould is broken, but the media doesn’t want to admit it or ditch how it operates.

Why listen to Fran Kelly and Michelle Grattan droning on every morning on the radio, talking through the political noise of the day without revealing anything that we are not already aware of and speaking purely about how every issue “plays” in a game that only they and a handful of other insiders are interested in? And it is only they who are interested because it is an insiders club, a cosy little huddle of familiars who all know each other personally and resent anything that might break the mould and require them to broaden their scope.

The media is busted. Its job is to tell us what is going on. And what is going on requires them to see connections beyond the inch deep pond they live in. It requires them to think deeply and ask tougher questions than those aimed at generating a ‘Gotcha’ headline in the next five minutes. But their curiosity (the currency of their trade) is completely missing.

Plenty of us keep saying this. And nothing changes. Nothing. Which is why I vote Green.

(See also: Bernard Keane, Crikey: ‘Greens Secrecy Makes Press Gallery Grumpy’)

Graffiti Crimes

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“Graffiti crimes shall be written upon your walls.
Well I shall spray them so bold and so tall.
Just you wait ’til you read this one.”

- Misex, 1979

What distinguishes “electronic graffiti”, as a besieged prime minister characterised social media, from the “real” journalism of the mainstream? That’s easy. One is full of uninformed opinion, unsourced speculation and lazy trolling. The other is to be found on Twitter.

Unfair, I know. But it’s becoming increasingly hard to see why the “official” media should continue to hold any special place in the national conversation when so much of its content does not hold a torch to the best analysis of the “amateurs” online.

Yes, Twitter has more than its share of trolls, single-issue nutters and people suffering from a high opinion-to-insight ratio. There are party-paid provocateurs, ranting residents of la-la-land and rusted-on partisans whose utterances you can see coming a mile off.

But if you are discerning and can bother assembling a list, you can find in social media insights and opinions from people who stand apart from the red team-blue team bifurcated universe of group think that the media manufactures to make its job easier.

Take the Queensland election. The almost universal take in the mainstream media ahead of the poll was that while Premier Campbell Newman was in trouble, the LNP would almost certainly squeeze back in with a vastly reduced majority.

Much of this ‘analysis’ was boilerplate copy written around opinion polling. With actual old-fashioned reporting on the ground now seen as a luxury by many news organisations, it is just easier (and cheaper) to sit in Canberra or Sydney rewriting the wires.

In the single newspaper town of Brisbane, the Courier Mail did what News Corporation publications seem to deem to be journalism these days – it shamelessly editorialised, dressed up opinion and spin as fact and generally treated its readership like morons.

One didn’t need to read the paper because its uniformly partisan front pages were indistinguishable from the LNP’s election bunting. In fact, on polling day, the paper’s splash was used as party propaganda.

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With the Murdoch media singing from its dog-eared Tory hymn book and much of the rest writing to a poll-driven template (in essence not telling us anything we didn’t already know), it proved more enlightening for some to turn to social media.

So, over in graffiti town, there were hundreds of voices offering insights from ground level – old-hand and now retired professionals (like Margo Kingston), Queensland academics like Mark Bahnisch and many more citizen journalists.

Margo, a force of nature and never a journalist to wear her heart anywhere but on her sleeve, was one of the few to call the result correctly.  Others, like Dave Donovan of the Independent Australia website, did dogged old school on-the-ground reporting right up to polling day, including confronting a hapless Gold Coast MP who responded with a jig.

Of course, not everything in the mainstream media was lazy and predictable. There are quality writers at all the major publications, including The Australian. The point is, though, that it is neither fair nor accurate to write off social media as just knee-jerk and misinformed opinion.

In any case, most mainstream journalists are on Twitter anyway, as are most “official” sources. For my day job, my own morning read-in list takes in posts by prominent economic bloggers, consultants, academics, think tanks, regulators, fund managers and organisations like the World Bank.

But I also read the posts of many, many people with no particular “status” (in the old school mediated world) but who just have interesting things to say. Frequently, the insights are richer and more original than anything found in the mainstream.

Yet, on the radio each morning, we still hear a ritual and anachronistic rundown of ‘what the papers are saying’, as if we are still living in a pre-disintermediated era where the only valid voices are those who happen to be employed by a press baron. That the old school media so often get it wrong or talk to each other without reference to social media only makes this habit more perplexing.

Indeed, it’s partly this refusal of the old political-media complex to countenance the fact that the world has changed – that people are speaking among themselves irrespective of the ‘official’ record – that explains the sense of irrelevancy around the media and the loss of faith in political institutions.

People don’t want to be talked down to or spun to. They don’t want someone telling them what the story is. They hate being characterised as some lumpen mass. They want to share their experiences and opinions with others directly. And out of that can come new ways of thinking – about politics, about economics, about media and how we can live together in a world that is changing much more quickly than established voices realise.

See also:

 

 

Body of the Host

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It often takes a crisis for a society to reflect meaningfully on its institutions – their value, purpose, strengths and weaknesses. Do those institutions serve us or do they primarily serve themselves?

The global financial crisis, for instance, exposed how a large swathe of the international banking system had been corrupted by reckless risk-taking and had internalised the view that it could simultaneously privatise its profits and socialise its losses.

The banks, we belatedly discovered, had ceased being mere utilities. They were malevolent credit machines, manufacturing Frankenstinian products, preying on the least fortunate and sending the bill for the resultant mess to taxpayers. Goldman Sachs, said Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi, was “a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.”

But the sucking sound doesn’t end with the banks. Much of the commercial media, now drained of any notion of public service, has become a parasitical infection in the body politic, a hookworm that both breeds and feeds on fear, distrust and suspicion in the community and spreads its disease through calculated misinformation and hysteria.

Within hours of the start of the Sydney siege in Martin Place, and with the barest of information, News Corporation’s Daily Telegraph splashed its special afternoon edition with the headline ‘Death Cult CBD Attack’ - the implication being that ISIS-style terrorism had landed in the heart of Australia’s biggest city.

Of course, we now know the perpetrator was a lone-wolf, a sadly deluded and paranoid individual with a long criminal history using the props of Islamist terror to demonstrate his largely personal grievances with the state.

That the Tele rushed to print with the ISIS connection speaks volumes for how deeply invested this despicable publication is in fanning Islamophobia. This, after all, was a newspaper that sent the club mascot of the nutjobs on a daytrip to Lakemba to depict the entire western Sydney suburb as a sort of Kabul on the Cook.

Meanwhile, on Twitter, supposedly professional journalists were shamelessly recycling hearsay, rumour and the half-baked theories of talkback radio blowhards masquerading as public defenders.

Your correspondent himself was holed up in a CBD high-rise during the siege and saw young staff in tears over the reports of bombs all over town. Angry at the half-baked theorising, one high-profile entertainment reporter lashed out at amateur correspondents.

Of course, the problem wasn’t so much the wannabe journos, the problem was the mainstream media itself, ghoulishly exploiting an unfolding human tragedy and urban crisis for cheap ratings and circulation points. The vampire squid again.

And, most tellingly, when the siege ended in gut-churning gunfire and bloodshed in the early hours of the morning, the biggest squid of them all appeared almost immediately on Twitter. In a jaw-dropping display of cynicism, New York-settled Rupert Murdoch used the deaths of young Australians as a cheap advertising opportunity for his media properties and a flippant debating point for his equally crazy ideology.

Yes, but the Tele had got it wrong. Typically, the urge to be first with the news came ahead of getting the story right. Instead, it rushed into print with shameless speculation, innuendo and hysterical headlines calculated to generate fear.

Striking was the contrast between the Murdoch’s shameless exploitation of this event with the understated, intelligent and sensitive rendering on ABC News 24, where veteran journalist John Barron and others did what journalists are supposed to do – report accurately and fairly and with an appreciation of the media’s role as an institution that serves the public, not the other way around.

If ever you want to mount a case for the continued funding of public broadcasting journalism, this siege was it. Journalism, at its best, gives primacy not to advertisers or proprietors or shareholders or ambitious editors, but to the public. Journalists, worthy of the name, serve the public. And they do so by establishing trust, by exercising restraint and, most of all, by respecting the truth.

Elsewhere:

 

Enclosing the Commons

iStock_000017089639_LargeThe existential attack on the ABC in Australia is just the latest extension of creeping libertarianism, imported wholesale from the US and promulgated by the Murdoch press and the now dominant right-wing fringe of the Liberal Party.

For these people, there is no legitimate public space, no community, there is only the market. And anything not given a dollar value by the market must, by definition, have no intrinsic value.

The constant whining about “left-wing bias” in regards to the ABC comes without a shred of evidence and continues despite the public broadcaster bending over backwards to appease its critics. Every panel show is stacked with members of the IPA, a group that refuses to reveal its funding and which is blandly labelled as a “free market think tank”; a group which is ideologically committed to the end of public broadcasting.

The now ritual accusation is that the ABC is the plaything of clubby, inner city progressives pushing fashionable causes a world away from the bread-and-butter concerns of the vast bulk of Australians. It’s a cute idea, but it’s an idea recycled by the reactionary right in many developed economies against public broadcasting in a dishonest attempt to close down or narrow the framing of legitimate debate.

Indeed, the contrast between the rabid paranoia of an increasingly unhinged right and the beige reality of much ABC programming is striking. Where is this left-wing bias? Is it Bananas in Pyjamas? Kitchen Cabinet? Catalyst? Bush Telegraph?

As an experienced former journalist, I’ve frequently turned a critical eye at the ABC News. But if you can accuse it of anything, it is of promoting a bland, fake balance that treats all sides of an issue (such as climate change) as equivalent – of insisting on “equal time” on every issue, even when doing so represents the craziest fringe opinion as mainstream.

This stopwatch-driven manufactured “objectivity” is in itself a consequence of the existential threat against the ABC. But its managers seem unable to grasp that these critics will never be appeased. I wager Mark Scott could air the Bolt Report every day on ABC1 and he would still be ritually tarred and feathered in the Murdoch press.

In the meantime – for all the intemperate ranting against it by silly old men – the ABC remains a hugely trusted institution. It inevitably ranks above the commercial media, including the Murdoch tabloids, in public opinion. After all, as a “public” broadcaster, its role is to do what the commercial media cannot or will not provide.

And keep in mind that even some conservative commentators value the role of public broadcasting, seeing it as providing an opportunity for serious and deeper reflection of issues that do not fit within a mass market commercial format.

Yes, it is true that competitive markets do a pretty good job overall in satisfying the public. But markets aren’t perfect. And there remain issues of importance and areas of interest that private sector media will not want to cover. That’s where the ABC comes in.

If economies must be found, the obvious place to start pruning are the myriad opinion programs and panel shows. I’ve been asked onto a few ABC programs in recent years to opine about whatever was dominating the news that day. Often, though, I simply don’t know enough about the subject or feel deeply enough about it to offer a considered view. And I suspect many other panelists have the same misgivings.

If anything the problem with the ABC (and with media generally in recent years) is an excess of shallow opinion-mongering over thoughtful journalism and analysis. The latter is rare because it costs time and money and can anger the powerful. The former is plentiful for the opposite reasons – it’s quick and cheap to produce and is essentially wallpaper.

So if Mark Scott is looking to concentrate the spending of his increasingly scarce budget on something really useful and valuable, I would put the money into old-fashioned reporting. He needs more of the like of the Quentin Dempsters and Andrew Olles and Chris Masters. That’s a commons worth saving.

 

 

 

Be Afraid, Please

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The whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace alarmed – and hence clamorous to be led to safety – by menacing it with an endless series of hobgoblins, all of them imaginary.”– H.L. Mencken

In a world in which everyone is constantly distracted, arguably the most valued currency is your attention. Politicians know it. Journalists know it. As Big Idea professions trying to survive in a post-modernist age, they’re drowning in indifference. Terrorists know it, too.

To wake populations from their reality television-inspired ennui, big gestures are required. Existential and sleep-disrupting threats must be summonsed – threats even more sleep-depriving than the anxiety of who might survive the elimination final of MasterChef.

So here it comes down a YouTube channel near you. Disenfranchised and alienated (yet plugged-in) Muslim youth, latching onto their own bogus Big Idea, grab our limited attention with ghastly acts that hint at a civilisation-ending moment. Politicians and media, frustrated that their own fading sideshows don’t grab audiences anymore, grab the brief moment and milk it, mercilessly.

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Does anyone else not feel a sense of ritualisation in all of this? For sure, the brutal and staged murder of journalists and aid workers in Iraq is as real and reprehensible. But the enthusiasm with which the media and political class have seized upon this story as an existential threat speaks volumes about their calculated desperation.

The wonder is this is such a familiar script. Fear has been used to control populations for hundreds of years. Many who grew up in the early 60s and the shadow of the nuclear bomb can recall the missile scares and “duck and cover” exercises. Politicians exploit the fear and then use it to rationalise an erosion of liberties. A compliant media goes along for the ride, using slogans associated with the terror threat as an entertainment opportunity – a way to attract increasingly fickle audiences.

Of course, non-reflective journalists (who curiously pride themselves on their bullshit detection ability) are so desperate for the story that they allow themselves to be co-opted by the state in robbing people of their freedoms for the sake of a non-specific threat. But, as David Altheide argued in a 2006 study, it is impossible for the media to provide proper perspective around these stories because they are so invested in the fear, as are the politicians they depend on:

“On the one hand, the politics of fear is consistent with entertainment-oriented news and mass media, particularly its resonance with ‘victims’ and victimisation. On the other hand, the politics of fear helps political decision makers as news sources and as political actors define social life as dangerous and requiring formal social control and state intervention.”

This is where journalism is supposed to come into its own, challenging political elites and resisting boiler plate analysis of the boogeymen du jour. Journalists’ role is to exercise scepticism and to put the spin through the bullshit detector. At the moment, most of them are failing in that role, choosing instead to blandly and in docile fashion parrot the hysterical announcements of politicians with a vested interest in fostering fear.

In the meantime, the politicians say we must sacrifice our freedoms to fight the hazy threat of terror that would rob those freedoms.

Something doesn’t add up. But don’t rely on our Failed Estate to be able to count.

FURTHER READING:

West Side Tories

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“When you’re a Jet, you’re a Jet all the way. From your first cigarette, to your last dyin’ day.”

The mainstream media is deep into its ‘Me’ phase. Despite the world going through enormous change and upheaval, a large chunk of our media is talking more about itself and its competition than it is about anything that might remotely impact on its audience.

The story isn’t about the civil war in Syria, but about the failure of the “green left” of the ABC to condemn extremism in strong enough terms. The story isn’t about destructive climate change (that conservative ex-US Treasury secretary Hank Paulson says poses a bigger threat than the GFC), but about the “warmist believers” of Fairfax.

What’s behind the self-obsession? There are a couple of possibilities. One is that is that the scale of the media and culture wars testify to the importance of the issues at stake – issues like the future of democracy, freedom, journalism and Fourth Estate.

A second possibility is that the media’s internal focus is a symptom of of its growing irrelevance to the real conversation.  With their circulation and revenues shrinking along with their stature, media poohbahs stand on their tippy-toes and pompously proclaim their importance each day to a diminishing crowd. When that fails, they descend to juvenile name-calling and start fights over not much at all. “Hey look over here guys!” No thanks.

Think about this: Apart from a hardened core of cranky, reactionary old men vainly trying to assert their diminished authority on the basis of nothing more than their age and gender, who bothers to read The Australian? What does it say beyond its catechism of entirely predictable tribal utterances? Essential reading it is not. And the numbers show it.

One can leave the country for a few days or switch off local media for a while, confident that upon one’s return the same ever-diminishing, ever-narrowing media conversation will be droning on. Each week, Q&A ( the ABC’s Punch and Judy show) features predictable pugilists fitted up to the banal binary “left-right” conception of politics imported unthinkingly from an impossibly partisan US media landscape.

The vacuous, insular nature of “the debate” was seen recently on another ABC program, Big Ideas. The show was nominally about media bias and the impossibility of pure objectivity, but the panel format (featuring some of the usual suspects) just ended up being another Jets-v-Sharks choreographed rumble with each punch telegraphed a mile off.

The News Corp partisans and IPA “freedom” scouts line up each time to complain of ABC bias without ever providing substantial proof – and despite their being ritually invited onto ABC shows to bag the broadcaster for not including their views. (On the Big Ideas show, prominent conservative Tom Switzer served up as an example that Lateline in 2004 had downplayed Ronald Reagan’s death, preferring instead to “browbeat” the then Australian foreign minister Alexander Downer about Abu Ghraib. What quaint news sense by the ABC, preferring to investigate the torture of prisoners in a war Australia was a party to over running a hagiography on a 94-year-old former US president who left office in 1988).

But you get the picture. The dreary, circular, insular nature of Australia’s media conversation  - with Team Red and Team Blue posing from their predictable corners over each and every issue – tells us nothing except about their own irrelevance. It’s like Broadway playing the same half-dozen  shows over and over again.

No wonder anyone with any intelligence or world interest is going off Broadway and seeking out new sources and new voices in social media both within and outside Australia.  That’s where the ideas are. And that’s where real change will come.

Blurred Lines

There are some astute observations in this brief video on the increasingly blurry distinction between “old” and “new” media. I especially like the line from one journalist about it all coming down to trust.  Ultimately, trust is the currency of good journalism. And without trust, you really are reduced to being a ‘content producer for an advertising platform’ (to quote former Fairfax CEO Fred Hilmer’s notoriously reductionist definition of a journalist) The video comes from the Aspen festival of ideas and is courtesy of The Atlantic.

Approved Targets List

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One consequence of the death of the mainstream media’s business model and the commodification of news is a corresponding increased reliance on provocative commentary that generates page impressions.

News Corp’s Andrew Bolt is the poster child for the success of professional trollery as a revenue generator and brand differentiator. He has clear targets, strong opinions  and he succinctly expresses them. He has a fiercely loyal audience and equally fierce enemies who despise him with similar force. Bolt is now parlaying this approach of calculated outrage on commercial television. And good luck to him.

The simple truth is that in a hollowed-out media confronted by a myriad of other distractions, sane and sensible, measured and thoughtful, and sober and reflective are not desirable traits for successful journalists. To survive commercially in a disintermediated world, one must generate a response – good or bad, it doesn’t matter.

Most of the successful provocateurs and templars of intemperance  crowd the right of the political spectrum, which may partly reflect the utter dominance of News Corp and its proprietor’s radical right-wing views in the Australian media landscape.

On the left, Mike Carlton has been one of the few counterparts whose copy is not blighted by the exceedingly hand-wringing reasonableness that blights so much ‘progressive’ opinionating. Carlton speaks plainly, hates openly and hits a few targets in the process.  Like Bolt, he understands his job is to entertain as much as inform.

Expressing the views of many, including a good deal of Jewish people, Carlton wrote a column recently that strongly criticised the state of Israel for its actions in bombing civilians in Gaza. The column attracted a huge response, which Carlton noted – some people supportive, others highly critical but reasonably so and others just completely intemperate, accusing him of outright anti-Semitism and worse.

Then News Corp piled in. The story ticked all the boxes for its own professional trolls. It offered another front in the manufactured rolling ‘culture wars’. It provided an opportunity to bash Islam and tar any criticism of Israel, however reasoned and even-handed, as anti-Semitic. And it was a chance to kick the “leftist” Fairfax.

The ostensible issue that forced Carlton’s eventual resignation from Fairfax was not the column itself, but his intemperate emailed and Tweeted responses to the some of the apparently coordinated abuse he received for the original piece. Some of these emails mysteriously were delivered to his arch enemy Bolt.

There are a  few observations to make about this.

Firstly, while not seeking to defend Carlton’s abuse of readers, one can understand how he might have felt unfairly attacked for a column which was merely expressing what many world leaders, including Obama, were saying about Israel’s actions.

Oddly, some supporters of Fairfax’s action say no company would condone an employee talking to ‘customers’  that way. But this wrongly assumes that a commercial media outlet’s customers are its readers. On the contrary, its readers are the product it sells to its real customers – the advertisers. And what advertisers value is eyeballs, which is why trollumnists and provocateurs are now the bread and butter of the dying media business.

In any case, Carlton did not make those comments in his official column. He did so on Twitter and email after highly personal attacks on him. And anyone who has followed him in social media knows that he uses colourful language and expresses himself directly. This is not a surprise.

Secondly, Carlton might also feel rightly aggrieved at the gutlessness of the Fairfax management in the face of what appeared a coordinated campaign of intimidation by powerful interests in Australia and elsewhere seeking to shut down debate. Traditionally, one of the first duties of an editor is to defend his staff and paid contributors, however unpopular their views, against efforts to shut them up.

In this case, though, a rather inexperienced editor, who came to journalism relatively late and was promoted quickly, backed the corporate line against editorial independence, which is really where a newspaper’s brand value resides. So Fairfax, having already lost quality writers like David Marr, Richard Ackland and Paddy Manning, just shot another large hole in its foot.

Thirdly, one is struck by the total lack of awareness of the irony of Carlton being silenced after years of pious speechifying about press freedom and free speech by the Murdoch press to stymie efforts to introduced better accountability for shoddy journalism. It seems ‘freedom’ in their world equates to the right of their side of politics to express their views unfettered and to silence those with whom they disagree.

Fourthly, is the irony of this happening straight after the 18C saga. We have just witnessed an entire government and media apparatus spending significant time and effort trying to change the law to accommodate one News Corp columnist’s sloppy journalism in attacking Aborigines. The difference is that individual is lauded by the government as a freedom fighter, gets his own TV show and receives cosy phone calls from the prime minister advising him that “we just couldn’t get it through this time, mate”.

If the issue here was about intolerance for intemperate and tribal attacks on people, much of the media (particularly the News Corp media) would cease to exist. No, the issue here is clearly about who was on the receiving end.

The hypocrisy of it all is gobsmacking. Indeed, it is hard not to conclude that though a revenue-deprived media is becoming ever more reliant on eyeball-grabbing, hard-talking provocateurs to generate page impressions, they require their professional haters to restrict their calculated outrage to the approved targets list.

(Recommend also this analysis by Mark Day in The Australian)

 

The Counter Reformation

163821058“What is happening is…a revolution in the way young people are accessing news. They don’t want to rely on the morning paper for their up-to-date information. They don’t want to rely on a God-like figure from above to tell them what’s important. And to carry the religion analogy a bit further, they certainly don’t want news presented as gospel.”

When Rupert Murdoch delivered that speech to the American Society of Newspaper editors in Washington a decade ago, he was seen by some as a Martin Luther figure, challenging centralised authority and nailing his 95 theses to the digital wall.

Print journalism was dying and a new generation of “digital natives” was seeking out news on demand in formats and narratives that suited them.  Newspaper editors, having distractedly plastered their content on the web less than 10 years before only to see sales and advertising continue to decline, were at the point of despair.

But Murdoch, having overcome great odds so many times in his career, was having none of that. Figuratively lifting the luddite editors by the lapels, Rupert said his company had challenged media orthodoxes over the years and could do so again with the web. “Today, the newspaper is just a paper,” he said. “Tomorrow, it can be a destination.”

Well, actually, more of a point of departure really, because nine years on, Murdoch’s vision looks more like a hopelessly naive misunderstanding of what the media reformation is all about. In retrospect, his rallying call to editors was more a rearguard action, a heroic attempt to reassert the authority of established media at a time of extraordinary technological and cultural change.

To his credit, Murdoch threw the dice and experimented with digital applications, the tablet-oriented The Daily representing a noble attempt to monetise traditional journalism on the web. It failed, reaching only 100,000 paid subscribers when it needed at least 500,000 to break even.  Like so many attempts to launch subscription media on the web, the content was simply not distinctive enough to tempt people to pay for it.

With his real-world efforts falling short of the vision of his digital proseltysing and his traditional dead-trees journalism fighting off scandal, Murdoch has regrouped around his legacy media brands and is fighting for tradition. His loyal lieutenants regularly declare war on Twitter, popular bloggers, public broadcasting and digital upstarts generally. Chris Kenny, who recently successfully sued the ABC, over a silly satirical joke at his expense by The Chaser, believes the digital revolution in relation to journalism has gone a tad too far.

There is a case to be made that digital journalism is distracting from substantive reporting and even distorting mainstream coverage. Digital-first publication has lowered the entry barrier for commentary, which was once the preserve of experienced hands. Young journalists knew their sole job was to report news, until much later in their careers when age and experience deemed them sufficiently worthy to offer analysis or comment.”

Kenny has a valid point about the speed of social media leaving little room for sound analysis and he’s right about the tendency for young reporters to be pushed into commenting on news before they’ve learnt to report it straight. But his pitch is a bit rich coming from a representative of a company that regularly puts its “straight news” coverage through the spinmaster to serve its political and commercial interests. And it blankly assumes that anyone not earning a living as a journalist in dead tree media is not qualified to comment on politics or anything else.

Witness the insane circling of the wagons by The Australian recently after it was found to have been blatantly spinning for Big Tobacco industry by printing incorrect claims that cigarette sales had increased since plain packaging laws began. Every characteristic Murdoch said the digital revolution had overturned – ex-cathedra pronouncements in contravention of the facts, a pompous presumption to being the final authority and a condescension toward other voices – was on display. Add to this its characteristically vicious personal attacks on those who dared question its dishonest ‘journalism’ and you have a case study in old media digging a deeper hole for its remaining credibility.

The alternative explanation for the sudden antagonism toward alternative media in the established outlets is that this is a commercial strategy.  By engaging in skirmishes on Twitter and elsewhere with new voices not part of the mainstream media, the dead trees brigade muscle in on the upstarts’ small, but growing, audiences.  In effect, the long-time party hosts are miffed that the guests and the advertisers have moved on elsewhere, so they’re crashing the joint. In the process, basic journalistic principles of fairness, accuracy and a respect for the truth are being trampled in the dirt.

A decade after Murdoch’s ‘digital natives’ speech, it appears the media reformation is giving way to a counter-reformation. In this, Murdoch is revealed not so much as an iconoclastic Martin Luther nailing his theses to the wall, but as a Pope Paul III, ordering an inquisition against the new media heretics.